The curtain of the Albanian National Theatre came down. ‘Starving, skinny ribs wolves’ are coming. (Romeo Kodra)

The Albanian National Theatre is erased by the government of Edi Rama and the Tirana’s Mayor Erion Veliaj.

Albanian National Theatre, 17 May 2020

This erasure was expected, from 2014, when the government of Edi Rama, after the selection of a puppet National Theatre director, separated the workers from their working place (Dear Karl Marx, what would you do to explain, to a former marxist-leninist country, what does it mean!?!?!?), by changing their contracts from unlimited in time to fixed-term contracts (from 3 up to 18 months). In this manner, through precarization, the workers (not only actors) were easy pray of Prime Minister’s extortion. The result is that defending The Theatre, on May 17th 2020, beyond the citizen volunteers and activists, was only one of the actual contracted actors of the national institution, Neritan Liçaj (I am not sure if Mehdi Malkaj, the other actor actively involved against the demolition, is still under contract with the institution).

This blog is full of this kind of materials. In Albanian language, unfortunately, for lazy art researchers from abroad, or luckily, for those who know Albanian and can copy for free and sell it as their own research in different languages. Anyway, although the smartest ones will deliberately continue to copy without quoting, here it is a translated sample from AKSREVISTA of June 12th 2014 (link):

“Last week the actors of the National Theatre, unlike those of the Opera and Ballet, signed the “contemporary” contracts of the Ministry of Culture. Ndriçim Xhepa, Yllka Mujo, Rajmonda Bulku, Bujar Asqeriu, Fadil Kujofsa, Vangjel Toçe, Mehdi Malkaj, Marjeta Ljarja, Sokol Angjeli, Eva Alikaj, Vasjan Lami, Artan Imami, Dritan Boriçi, Dritan Boriçi, Helidon Fino, Anila Bisha Çisha, Indrit , Olta Daku, Neritan Liçaj, Arben Derhemi, Marjana Kondi, Alfred Bualioti, Anil Frashёri, Ermela Teli, Lulzim Zeqja, Genti Deçka, Gerti Ferraj are the current members of the troupe of the National Theater, that signed the new contracs limited in time, as proposed by the Ministry of Culture. I want to make public their names, because these actors – for their weakness, deliberate malice, or ignorance – deserves to enter the contemporary Albanian history as signatories of the demolition of the first public Albanian cultural and artistic institution.
The controversy that occurred years ago, between Edi Rama and the actors of this institution, for the demolition of the building of National Theatre finished with a concrete ‘nothing’. The National Theatre remained in its place. Now, this situation, if repeated, would undoubtedly see the country’s prime minister as the winner. I don’t have the magic sphere, but I have the impression that very soon we will see the Prime Minister’s hammer beating in the same place. Edi Rama, today, would easily succeed, because the real actors of the National Theatre are dead.”

So, the end was in the air. The same predatory strategy was and is still applied in Albania from 1991 by all the political parties that formed the government: separation of the workers from their working places and consecutive privatization of the whole country (industries, factories, mines, oil wells, etc.). However there is no focus in this issue in each protest I ever participated. And the protest against the demolition of The National Theatre is one of them. The difficulty to articulate this issue depends by the infiltration of every single protest from political and para-political forces, such as Democratic Party/PD, Socialist Party/PS, Socialist Movement for Integration/LSI or Open Society Foundation for Albania/OSFA/Soros, etc. Therefore there is no possibility for a democratic change based on progressive ideas taking place while these reactionary forces are around.

However, to be honest, in the last few weeks, I thought maybe even this time the National Theatre could resist Edi Rama’s attack, because of a very hard work of some protesters, part of Alliance for the Defense of Theatre, that proposed and obtained from Europa Nostra the status of “endangered European Cultural Monument” for the National Theatre (link).

But, unfortunately, Europa Nostra is not the European Union, the representative/ambassador of which in Albania is Luigi Soreca, that apparently, involved in more important activities to pave the way of the country towards EU, has no comments regarding the peoples revolt against the demolition. The Alliance in Defense of Theatre while I am writing have already sent a request (May, 18th) for pronunciation to the Ambassador (link).

Romina Kuko vice-minister of Interior and Luigi Soreca, some Albanian media reported a sex video scandal between the two with no concrete evidences.

Actually I do not know where the EU finds its representative to send in Albania. The last one, Romana Vlahutin, seemed a porno actress coming out from Pornhub milf category, with the same “accuracy” regarding sobriety (link).

The ass number 16 is that of the former minister of interior Tahiri, linked with the mafia according Italian prosecutors.

The Alliance for the Defense of Theatre has also sent a request of pronunciation to that Manchurian Candidate, named Yuri Kim, a cyborg that happens to be the US Ambassador in Albania. In this case, the request to me sounds so absurd that is even hard to believe. Our Big Brother, thanks to the Monroe Doctrine of which we, as Albanians, have our independence, but also the fruits of its psychotic struggle for hegemony, I am sure will be the biggest supporter of Edi Rama and, by defending his operation, will give him more credibility just to intimidate the protesters and return to “normality”.

As I see it there is no hope from nowhere, being EU or USA, except from the people resisting fascism with the adequate weapons. The Albanian history speaks for itself.

What can we learn from the history, not only the Albanian history actually, is that the fascism does not permit any choice: it evokes always and everywhere a Piazzale Loreto, it starts and finishes succumbing in its spectacle.

Actually it is not only my perception that this will happen later or soon in Albania. There are for example other artist that somehow, through their works, transmit and evoke the same feelings. See in this regard “REASSAMBLE” of Pleurad Xhafa, a video of 2017 focused on the traumatic history of the WWII and the donation of Walter Audisio, an Italian partisan, to the “heroic people of Albania” of the machine gun with which was executed Benito Mussolini, conserved at the National Historic Museum:

or Ergin Zaloshnja’s quasi-Fellinian “Naming the Halter in the Hanged Man’s House” of the same year, which tries to provoke after the newly designed Tirana’s Central Square and the mafia-government affair behind:

But before concluding it is important to mention a historical reference to this contemporary somber omens. There is a poet and writer I love. His name, Millosh Gjergj Nikolla, known as Migjeni (1911-1938). He was from Shkodra, serbian mother tongue, but deliberately wanted to write in a minor, foreign for him, language, like Albanian. His Albanian language, like his verses in terms of metre, are far from perfect. Yet, there is no other author in Albanian language that sounds as perfect as him in terms of tonality, in terms of relations, stability, attractions of images created through words, which makes his writing an incomparable distinguished gesture.

In one of his essays, entitled “Novel on Crisis” (Novelë mbi krizë), Migjeni writes about a city “the elite” of which, to “fight” poverty, “changed the face of the city” by constructing “wonderful monuments” (a clear reference to the Albanian situation of the time under the self-proclaimed King Ahmet Zogu). And the elite was “competing among each other” in this race of aesthetization of poverty (here the author refers to his historical and social context, but, one year after the death of Migjeni, with the fascist invasion in 1939, with a more intensive aesthetization of poverty, his words sound more as a prophecy or discerning premonitory vision). However, the poorest, still starving, felt “colorful like the monuments under the sun”. But, not too late, after the destruction of the monuments “the day of beggars’ lynch came”, the day of “starving, skinny ribs wolves”. The End.

To me these “beggars” that start “lynching” hungry like “starving, skinny ribs wolves” seem a good image to understand the Albania after the liberation and the partisans persecuting an entire so-called elite of the time, from aristocratic and conservators to progressive and social democrats or other center as well as moderate leftists, all guilty of being too soft, uncertain, or reluctant, according the partisans, to fight against fascism and privileged classes. The terror of the time is better described in some of Kasëm Trebeshina’s poignant and surgical pages. I also remember my grandfather, a member of “Çeta e Pezës”, the first anti-fascist military group in Albania, and later partisan, that during the last years before passing away, in 1994, was used to tell me stories of this terror while hunting the fascists or fascists collaborators in Northern Albania and Yugoslavia. He was used to say “there were no bones or tails left” (“as rrasht as bisht”), a phrase that brings in mind Migjeni’s “starving, skinny ribs wolves” devouring their prey.

The National Theatre in 1944 after the liberation was taken from the fascists and Nazis with real weapons. Was occupied by starving people, which had never had the possibility to frequent the elitist “Scanderbeg Circle”, this was the name of the multi-functional complex, which became after the liberation The Popular Theatre, a theater of the poorest for the poorest. And, during these times of resistance against the demolition, the history of under-privileged classes occupying the elite’s institutions, the symbolic institutions of colonization, converted in symbolic institutions of culture, if not at all, rarely came out or was clearly articulated as the real value to preserve of the history of National Theatre. And it is because of the aforementioned political and para-political infiltration of each protest that this value is continuously erased. However, now, with the demolition of the National Theatre by Edi Rama’s government and Mayor of Tirana Erion Veliaj, the elitist race towards the aesthetization of poverty is coming to an end. The Theatre’s curtain is down. The “starving, skinny ribs wolves” are coming soon.

P.S. It was impossible to defend The National Theatre from the demolition without clarifying its fascist roots, its instrumental construction to promote a spectacular fascist regime through architectonic modernization for the colonization of a country. It was impossible to defend from the demolition The Theatre without evidencing its fundamental value, in other words the power of the poorest to convert a symbolic building of colonization in a symbolic building of culture. Without this clarification Edi(p) Rama’s psychosis and all the neoliberal ass-lickers of the contemporary art system have reduced and will reduce the erasure of this European Monument of Cultural Heritage as an Albanian feud between government and opposition.

Quello che sta perdendo l’Italia sa d’imponderabile. (Romeo Kodra)

Da Bergamo ultimamente a me, come ad altri, penso, arrivano solo notizie tristi. Una di queste, di qualche giorno fa, è la morte di un dottore, il mio medico di base o di famiglia dir si voglia degli ultimi 15 anni, Vincenzo Leone.

Non credo di essere la persona più addatta per descrivere quest’uomo. Non lo conoscevo benissimo. La nostra confidenza si limitava a ben poco. Era siciliano e di solito, essendo io dei Balcani, gli facevo sempre la battuta di un altro mio amico siciliano, e cioè sul nostro “essere tutti e due mediterronei”. Ci si rideva, sempre.

Con mio padre da subito aveva instaurato un rapporto un po’ più speciale. Si vede anche con lui funzionava l’attrazzione tra “mediterronei”.

Quest’uomo come medico di base, figura che qualcuno vuole abolire (link), ha salvato pochi anni fa mio padre da un infarto, quando al Pronto Soccorso degli “ospedali eccellenti lombardi” gli hanno diagnosticato un raffredore dopo aver lamentato dolori al petto. Alla terza volta in 24 ore in Pronto Soccorso, dopo altretante insistenti ricette di esami urgenti del dott. Leone, si sono decisi di fare il test della bicicletta. Dopo due minuti sulla bici mio padre lo hanno fatto sdraiare in orizzontale, gli hanno detto di non muoversi, neanche per andare in bagno, e lo hanno portato in sala operatoria.

Mio zio altrettanto gli deve la vita per un simile problema.

Dal 2011 al 2018, quando vivevo più in Albania che in Italia, l’ho chiamato diverse volte. Una di queste per un problema del figlio di un mio amico che si trovava in una situazione disperata. Ha sempre risposto, puntualmente. Conoscendo di fama la situazione degli ospedali in Albania, ha addirittura chiesto la cartella clinica, si è consultato con specialisti che conosceva, e, dopo aver suggerito e aiutato nel procurare altri medicinali e una cura migliore, è riuscito ad alleviare il dolore immenso di una situazione che faceva impressione solo a guardare da fuori. E lo ha fatto gratuitamente.

Ultimamente vivo più in Finlandia che in Italia. Quì non esiste il medico di base. Esistono ospedali e poliambulatori, pubblici. Di solito per qualsiasi cosa ti ricevono infermieri/e. Il dottore, solo tramite appuntamento. Puoi avere anche assicurazioni speciali, di solito offerte dal datore di lavoro, ed essere seguito in centri privati. Lì magari il dottore c’è e subito. Però può capitare, per fare un esempio concreto, che per una mancanza proteica, che non si risolve assumendo integratori per mesi, ti consiglino un piccolo e semplicissimo intervento chirurgico. Poi capita che ti viene in mente il dott. Leone, il quale, a metà febbraio di quest’anno, ti consiglia, “prima di fare qulasiasi intervento, ricontrolla[re] gli esami del sangue e guarda[re] se non hai semplicemente un infezione da qualche parte nello stomaco o ulcera che ti causa perdita di sangue”. Poi capita che gli esami confermino che il medico di famiglia, quello italiano, aveva ragione e non ti serve nessun intervento. Basta solo una cura di antibiotici, che gli stessi dottori che ti hanno consigliato l’intervento, sbalorditi per non averci pensato, ti prescrivono. Capita poi che a te la fiducia nel sistema sanitario finlandese ti cala un po’ e chiedi ancora al dott. Leone il 20 marzo se magari non sono troppi questi antibiotici e non ci sia qualche cosa di più appropriato. Poi, quando la risposta stranamente tarda più di 24 ore, scopri su facebook che il dott. Leone in 22 marzo è morto per la COVID19. Scopri che, come sempre, seguiva ancora i suoi pazienti anziani nelle loro case. Forse, in mancanza di protezioni adeguate, lì, in una di quelle case, ha preso il virus, come dice il presidente sindacale del ordine, del quale dott. Leone era il vice (link).

Ripeto, e voglio sottolinearlo, non conoscevo bene quest’uomo. Inoltre, avendo qualche nozione di teatro, non voglio scrivere questa storia come una tragedia con un eroe, perché mi uscirebbe comunque, al massimo, un sciacquato dramma borghese o peggio ancora. In questi tempi le nostre coordinate geopolitiche occidentali, non offrono e non stimolano altro. Le tragedie sono altrove. Però una cosa è certa, non ho amici o familiari che abbiano fatto foss’anche solo la metà di quello che ha fatto lui per me e per i miei familiari.

A quanto ne so e leggo ultimamente sui giornali e social media non sono l’unico ad avere avuto così tanto da lui. E continuava fino all’ultimo a fare il suo, allo stesso modo, e lo posso dimostrare io, così come quelli che lo hanno visto a dare consigli ad altri pazienti all’ospedale dov’era ricoverato.

Forse non sapeva fare altrimenti. Forse non voleva fare altrimenti. O forse è la professione che richiede certe qualità. Ma, allora, quanti ci sono come lui, a lavorare nei ospedali e altre strutture sanitarie della Lombardia, oggi? Spero abbastanza. Spero abbiano miglior fortuna. Ed è questo che suona tragico ed eroico, nonostante il contesto non meriti questi termini. Ed è questa la perdita imponderabile non solo umana, ma etica, professionale, della quale fino ad oggi i cittadini di Bergamo, Lombardia e d’Italia beneficiavano gratuitamente perchè era normalità, ma che stanno perdendo e continueranno a perdere, forse per sempre. Adesso che il vagone sembra sganciato dal treno, come l’Impero Asburgico di Musil, forse si vedrà per bene l’illusione e si capirà per bene la perdita. Non tornerà indietro, ma c’è da sperare che si capirà. Altrimenti le vere tragedie busseranno alla porta e si dovranno trovare o inventare eroi adeguati, anche perchè le immagini che ci offre la quotidianità non presagiscono niente di buono: reclusione forzata, libertà solo per andare al lavoro, crematori che faticano a smaltire corpi … tutto in una cornice democratica. Sembra un film già visto diventato normalità.

Chi parla? (Romeo Kodra)

Guardate bene questa merda, dalle sembianze umane, che parla! E, soprattutto, ascoltatelo! Si chiama Edi Rama. Non sta parlando all’Italia e neppure agli italiani! Addirittura non sta parlando neppure lui. Altri scrivono i suoi discorsi. Lui sta seplicemente, come un troll ai tempi del virus, lanciando delle password che in futuro scoprirete nel loro vero significato.

Caramellate dalle dolci parole della “fratellanza”, “amicizia”, “ospitalità”, “memoria” e altre stronzate, delle quali lo stronzo parlante non ha manco la più pallida idea, le sue password sono quelle che mirano l’UE e verrano riprese da una Meloni qualsiasi, la quale verrà presto alla ribalta politica italiana per rialzare “muri” ancora più alti sui confini (sparando sulle imbarcazioni di migranti come ultimamente in Grecia oppure speronandole come nel canale di Otranto qualche anni addietro), magari organizzando anche campi di concentramento proprio in Albania dallo stronzo parlante.

Credete che la LEGA ha distrutto la sanità in Lombardia con le privatizzazioni e un domani sarà sul banco degli imputati proprio per il disastro attuale? Ecco, la merda che parla in Albania sta faccendo la stessa cosa, le stesse politiche ma non andrà mai sul banco degli imputati, perché il banco, qui, non c’è da anni ormai con il beneplacito dell’UE&USA (quindi, neanche la LEGA ci andrà).

Come si fa a dire che una destra come la LEGA faccia la stessa politica di un “socialista” (perché la merda parlante è il Primo Segretario del Partito Socialista Albanese per chi non lo sapesse)? Facile, pensate a Renzi e le somiglianze delle sue politiche con Berlusconi, dove al centro delle loro visioni politiche non sono i lavoratori e il loro benessere, ma il profitto e il funzionamento della machina imprenditoriale. La differenza è che lo stronzo fatto uomo proviene dal laboratorio dei Balcani dove Soros e Trump, i quali sulla scena italiana e americana sembrano antagonisti dal punto di vista politico, hanno da tempo palesato gli stessi interessi e vanno d’accordissimo (si veda il ruolo di Alex Soros dietro l’accordo per il “mini-Schengen” balcanico tra Vucic e Rama con l’esclusione della Kosova e il suo Primo Ministro Kurti, il quale proprio l’altro giorno ha visto cadere il suo governo grazie all’inviato di Trump, Grenell, perché non accettava gli accordi Rama-Vucic e il cambio dei confini Kosova-Serbia su basi etniche).

In Albania, Kosova, Bosnia Erzegovina e dintorni il fascismo si sta già assorbendo, sta diventando normalità: lo stato è il governo e il governo è il leader. Da queste parti, che somigliano molto alla Lombardia e all’Italia di oggi, è il lider, il governo, lo stato che decide chi deve uscire per andare a lavoro ed essere libero. Quindi, il dado è tratto. Come si diceva una volta, Arbeit Macht Frei, no? E non mi pare siamo molto lontani da tutto ciò.

Conoscendo l’Italia come un paese dove le revoluzioni sono sempre conservatrici e prendono pieghe solamente fascistoide, un domani, proprio per conservare il marcio e la putrefazione del modello “sanità d’eccellenza lombarda” che in mano ai privati ha dato i frutti di oggi, e non rovesciare il sistema in toto, lo slogan sarà quello già collaudato: “prima gli italiani”. Ma non detto da Salvini e le sue ciurme battezzate col rito celtico sulle fonti del Po, ma da una pura cattolicissima romana de Roma come la Meloni. Quindi, niente revoluzione. E, per far contenta l’intelighenzia sinistroida wikipediano-italiana con le sue visioni da cricetto sulla ruota, non ci saranno nemmeno privatizzazioni. Sarà lo stato ad occuparsi della sanità, ma solo per gli italiani, sul modello, anche questo collaudatissimo, corporativistico.

Planeti do të mbijetojë, tani duhet të shpëtojmë qenien njerëzore prej vetevetes. (Paolo Barcella)

Nuk njohim e nuk mund të kuptojmë, deri në fund, përsenë e asaj që po ndodh, sepse, në botën euroamerikane, po përshkojmë krizën më të rëndë, të papritur dhe shastisëse që pas Luftës së Dytë Botërore: një krizë të shëndetit publik, me pasoja të paparashikueshme mbi ekonominë, politikën, shoqërinë.

Ata që mund të nxjerrin ndonjë krahasim prej kujtesës së fëmijërisë, sot, kanë më shumë se 80 vite mbi supe. Paaftësia jonë për të kuptuar pasqyrohet edhe në paaftësinë për të përshkruar me fjalë të duhura apo gjuhë të përshtatshme. Gjithkund triumfojnë metaforat, ushtarake, thuajse të gjitha të pavendta.

I tregojmë njëri tjetrit një kohë lufte në kohë paqeje, sepse në kohë paqeje numërojmë të vdekurit si në kohë lufte dhe sepse qytetet tona po i nënshtrohen paralizës, teksa kemi ngrirë nën shtetrrethim, ku heshtja thyhet, herë pas here, prej sirenave të ambulancave në turravrap.

Në veprën e tij Occhiacci di legno. Dieci riflessioni sulla distanza, Carlo Ginzburg kujtonte sesi “për të parë gjërat duhet në fillim që ato të shihen sikur të mos kishin asnjë kuptim, sikur të ishin gjëegjëzë”.

Kemi të nevojshme të harrojmë gjërat e njohura, të dalim prej vetvetes, të tjetërsohemi për të lexuar një situatë të re, me gjatësi dhe pasoja, për momentin, të paparashikueshme. Vija e paravendosur e kujtesës sonë nuk bashkon siç duhet pikat dhe gabon skicimin e një profili.

Ja vlen të provojmë të harrojmë, për t’u përqëndruar te forma e secilës pikë. Sot vdesin dhe mund të vdesin, shpejt, mijëra persona, në spitalet më të pajisura dhe më cilësore të botës. Mjekë të formuar në qendrat më të mëdha amerikanoveriore, të mposhtur prej baticës, kontaktojnë mjekë të rajoneve periferike, aty ku dallga mbërriti më parë, për të të ditur se si filluan kurimin e pacientëve.

Shkenca nuk po mjafton më, ndenja e përgjithshme e plotfuqishmërisë që përshkon njeriun e kësaj ane të botës është e minuar prej diçkaje të padukshme, mutante, dhe në disa vende, për shkak të efekteve të papritshme, edhe e padeshifrueshme. Politika duhet të marrë vendime të denja për situatën, por në mungesë të qartësisë shkencore dhe precedentëve të krahasueshëm. Epideminë e fundit të një përmase të ngjashme e kemi përballuar përpara fillimit të shoqërisë industriale dhe konsumit të masave. Në këtë kuptim, ndryshimi midis epidemisë së sotme dhe asaj të 1918/20 nuk duhet përthjeshtuar vetëm tek shpejtësia me të cilën në shoqërinë tonë një virus është në gjendje të lëvizë nga një kontinent në tjetrin.

Bota e marrëdhënieve ekonomike dhe shoqërore, deri pas Luftës së Parë, ishte ndryshe dhe larg botës së sotme. Vitet Njëzet i dhanë shtysën një revolucioni në botën e prodhimtarisë prej të cilit shpërtheu një tjetër në botën e marrëdhënieve midis njerëzve: ne jemi rezultat i këtij të fundit. Kështu, politika në botën bashkëkohore euroamerikane nuk i ka bërë kurrë llogaritë me nevojshmërinë e bllokimit të prodhimit industrial për arsye që lidhen me qarkun ekonomik kapitalist.

Sot një event biologjik na detyron të pozicionohemi në një mënyrë të re karshi një fushe të ndarë mes dy sektorësh, të cilëve u korrespondojnë dy prioritete specifike prej të cilave çlirohet shpues parfumi i luftës së vjetër të klasave: shëndeti i atyre që punojnë, përfitimi i atyre që prodhojnë. Ku, gjithsesi, duhet kujtuar që jeta e atyre që punojnë nuk është e pavarur nga përfitimi i atyre që prodhojnë: të dyja gjërat qëndrojnë bashkë, kështu që, duhet patur kujdes, çfardolloj gjëje të bëhet.

Në këtë situatë, gratë dhe burrat e vendeve më të pasura janë vënë në karantinë dhe jetojnë si të ishin të dënuar me arrest shtëpie, në përpjekje të zvogëlimit të dimensioneve të zisë masive që, si fantazëm, po vjen rrotull botës euroamrikane.


Të shmangësh kontaktet për të shmangur kontaminimet, të rrish në distancë për të shpëtuar veten dhe komunitetin. Por, cilat janë efektet e distancës? Ato që influencojnë trupat janë të shumëllojta. Izolimi i trupit mbyll dyert e mjetit tonë të parë lëvizës, mbyt vendin e manifestimit të emocioneve tona, atrofizon instrumentin që përdorim për t’u takuar, për t’u përkujdesur, për të dashuruar, për të bërë paqe me ata që kemi përreth. Një ide më të qartë për këto e kanë ata që janë të izoluar në vetmi.

Distanca mund të na mbyllë në trupa, që kthehen në qeli të ngushta ku emocionet zhurmojnë e gjëmojnë, ku frika mund të transformohet në panik, ku ankthi lehtësisht ndrydhet përreth vetes, derisa shndërrohet në terror paralizues. Dhe ndodh sidomos nëse distancës i shtohet kontrolli policor i pësuar, që na pasqyron imazhin e pafuqishmërisë sonë. Gjithsecili kërkon e gjen strategjitë e veta për të mbushur zbrazëtitë personale. Lidhjet informatike janë shndërruar në kanale të privilegjuara lidhjesh shoqërore dhe lidhjesh emotive.

E gjitha kjo sjell ndërmend një efekt indirekt të Luftës së Parë Botërore: ai konflikt qe një prej agjentëve më të fuqishëm të alfabetizimit të masës, sepse çdo fshatari ushtar analfabet iu desh t’i shkruante dashurive të veta për të shkrirë në penë përmasën e vet emotive; distancimi i trupave në të cilin lundrojmë tani, përkundrazi, u ka mësuar gjeneratave të tëra docentësh e studentësh programe për të bërë pseudoleksione në distancë, ka riaktivuar llogari rrjetesh sociale të fjetura, ka shtuar orët e kaluara në botën e rrjetit, që mundësojnë një kontakt real me miqtë apo të dashurit, edhe në mungesë kontakti dhe kontaminimi. Por sa mund të durojnë trupat në këto kushte? Në shumicën e rasteve, duke vuajtur, shumë gjatë. Shpresojmë të zgjasë pak.


Paraliza ka boshatisur qytetet prej qenieve njerëzore. Rrugët, që përshkojmë duke tejmbushur zakonisht, janë shkretuar sa hap e mbyll sytë dhe, mbi të gjitha, në zonat periferike, po marrin një karakter kanalesh normale biologjike që përshkohen prej kafshëve, edhe brenda qendrave të banuara. Dhe kafshët po i përvetësojnë, edhe ato të çorjentuara prej mungesës së ushtrisë së dykëmbësorëve të zhurmshëm të cilët me teknologjinë e tyre gllabërojnë vit pas viti planetin, pa mbajtur përgjegjësi mbi dëmin e shkaktuar.

Shkurt: në momentin që, prej shtatëdhjetë vitesh e këtej, jemi më të pambrojtur dhe në tërheqje e sipër prej botës, natyra zgjerohet, duke dërguar delfinët në porte, skifterët dhe lepujt nëpër qytete, dhelprat dhe baldosat të sundojnë pistat e biçikletave të kodrinave që na rrethojnë.

Dy janë mesazhet brenda shishes, kushtuar marrëdhënies midis njeriut dhe natyrës, që kjo histori duket sikur ka hedhur në det të hapur. I parë është që njeriu nuk është i gjithëpushtetshëm: nuk mundet të bëjë gjithçka mbi natyrën dhe mjedisin që e rrethon, sepse natyre pjesë e së cilës është di ta gjunjëzojë. I dyti është që, ndoshta, duhet të braktisim retorikat mbi planetin që duhet shpëtuar: sfida e vërtetë nuk është të shpëtojmë planetin, por të shpëtojmë ne prej vetes sonë, brenda planetit.

Planeti duket se mund t’ia dalë – dhe do ia dalë – shkëlqyeshëm pa ne. Duhet shpresuar që këto dy mesazhe, pasi të jetë mbyllur tragjedia e tanishme, të merren dhe të kuptohen.

  • Ky shkrim i marrë nga u përkthye e postua me lejen e autorit.

“It’s high time for bullets to tinkle across museum walls”. (Romeo Kodra)

Regarding the last exhibition Prova of Adrian Paci at The National Gallery of Arts in Tirana, at the end of the post, I wrote:

To conclude, in Paci’s National Gallery showcased works one is always in front of an art of ideas and never in front of an idea of arts, always in front of an idea expressed through a medium or media and never in front of an idea of medium or media. In other words, in front of the endless prove of consumerist reproduction and commodification of art, which more than with the aesthetic of arts has to do with anesthetic policies.

Recently, at The National Gallery of Arts in Tirana is open the new exhibition: Tirana Patience, curated by Nataša Ilić and Adam Szymczyk. According to the curators the idea is to open the paintings collection of socialist realism (actually it is written “realist socialist”, which I hope is the rough Albanian version given to the reader by the notary that The National Gallery payed for the “professional” translation) on which contemporary artists will act by performing or discussing with the public. In other words, according the curators, the idea is “not to exhibit/display the works, but to temporarily withdraw the artworks of the past from view of the visitors” (I am freely translating the Albanian version of the text).

I have not seen the exhibition. But do I need to see it? Do I need to visit The National Gallery of Arts directed by Edi(p) Rama’s nominated director Erzen Shkololli and judge afterwords the anesthetic artistic and cultural policies of the fascistoid regime installed in Albania? Do I need to visit the exhibition where the text’s concepts (I feel generous to call these bullshitting “concepts”) are clearly anesthetic (Tirana Patience, so to say “Tirana, do not act, stay at home and reflect, maybe reading Edi Rama’s and Ardian Klosi’s Refleksione or George Soros’ Theory of Reflexivity” … or just entertain yourself by playing patience game/solitaire)? Do I need to visit The National Gallery of Arts to understand that Nataša Ilić and Adam Szymczyk, if not two illiterates of the context, are just two contemporary art prostitutes prostituting their status as foreign curators – supposed as acknowledged – and sold to the – supposed ignorant of arts and contemporary art – Albanians, as usually is done in our contemporary version of panem et circenses way of governing? Do I need to visit Tirana Patience to see, once more, how the arts and artists, with or without their will (lucky the dead ones, that cannot see what is done to them and their works!!!), are prostituted? Do I need to visit the exhibition to see how Intervista of Anri Sala will be interpreted, again and again and again, through pseudo-Freudian lenses of unconscious repression and not through a correct translation of the Albanian and discover than the “hand” of the “mama’s wunderkind” but also of the French art professors that know very well the contemporary art market needs? Do I need to see the displayed and dis-covered artworks by the contemporary artists to understand that the same lenses will be used even in this exhibition, where enough is never enough when it comes to the reactionary exoticisation of “communism era” covered by the left-washing critical passwords such as “post-truth”, “neoliberism”, “paved ways of democracies”, “social and political revolutions”, and so on and so forth?

Actually the answer of these questions is obviously rhetoric. But fortunately in Albania there is art circulating, but out of the institutions. It circulates on the walls, intended as facades of buildings and social media profiles (sounds restrictive, limited and even ridicule, but the regime have already erased every other possibility for free art expression). One of these is the so-called campaign of some activists against one of the so-called Albanian oligarchs, which is not more than an ordinary mafia criminal that has made is fortune through money laundry, corruption of politicians as well as exploitation of workers. His name is Samir Mane, connected with Edi Rama’s government, but also with the former government of Sali Berisha.

The activists’ campaign started when Samir Mane, the owner of Albchrome, fired some miners of Bulqiza, because they dared to found a miners union with the help of Organizata Politike. It is normal in a fascist country governed by Edi Rama, that openly declares the lack of workers’ unions which makes the country more attractive for the investors. Anyways, the fact is that “Saimir Mane oppresses the workers” appeared everywhere.

OP thellon fushatën publike kundër Samir Manes

The Facebook page Bojkoto Samir Manen, calling to boycott all the products of Mane’s companies, was created. Yet, even Mane’s payed slaves entered in action, erasing the writings.

This erasures brought me in mind a work of 2014 with Sead Kazanxhiu, Erasure … We Would Prefer Emilo Isgrò, where me and Sead were destroying and erasing with “big bold strokes”, like Edi Rama, the children’s artistic creations. Unfortunately, time passes, and our provocative action does not seem any more as such, but sicks to the real wound of our reality.


But not only. All these actions of writing and erasing brought me in mind, as some others followers of the Bojkoto Samir Manen Facebook Page also noticed, even a cartoon from the state socialism period. It is titled Parrulla V.F.L.P. (The Slogan: Death to Fascism, Freedom to the People), with author my late friend Gëzim Qëndro, when he was a creative and still not an art critic.

And again these actions project me to Lacan and the concept of littoral (in Lituraterre) when the psychoanalyst reading Edgar Allan Poe plays in a Joycean phonetic manner with the letter, litteral and littoral, with the coast+line or the border of the subjectivization. In other words, there where the art is taking place, where its aesthetics are challenged in their becoming by decodification and recodification. As the reader can imagine we are talking about the other pole of the prostitutional anesthetics of The National Gallery of Arts.

To conclude, I should add that this article it is not to show how prophetic I have been by anticipating The National Gallery of Arts anesthetics artistic and cultural policies, which were punctually materialized through Tirana Patience concepts. This article is to stress even more the cognitive influence of the capitalism that produces shitty persons, artists, politicians, societies as well as environment. Just take a look of these picture of Samir Mane and a caricature of a capitalist by Mayakovsky (it was also quoted somewhere in the page of Bojkoto Samir Manen, which I cannot find … however, Chapeau to the person who did it!). Is this a prototype of the capitalist? How could Mayakovsky figure Mane 100 years ago?

Samir Mane by Majakovski?

And please check what Mane Trade Construction Investments produces. Below you see the green periphery of Tirana and Mane’s urban and architectural intervention made of a complex of luxury (kitschy) villas.

Samir Mane’s Rolling Hills and Long Hill.

Rolling Hills Luxury Residencies it is not ironic at all. In this territorial and environment consuming gut is self-barricaded le crèm de la crème of the Albanian new money bourgeoisie. Even in this case the cognitive effects of capitalism are visible.

So, this article is written to make people somehow realize all the signals we are daily facing. And not only visual signals. All the Albanians know that Sali Berisha stands behind the deaths of the tragedy of Gërdec, Ilir Meta behind the deaths of 21 January as well as Edi Rama behind the large part of deaths of the last earthquake when people were left in damaged and unsafe houses. Therefore, it is not anymore time for metaphors and posting bullets (as the case of Armando Lulaj), but, quoting Mayakovsky, “[i]t’s high time for bullets to tinkle across museum walls” and make feel not the reality but the real to the prostitutes of the politics and arts in Albania and/or visiting Albania.

Western Balkans mini-Schengen as the art of neoliberalism monumentalisation and genocide normalization. (Romeo Kodra)

Me and Neoliberalism. In March 2017, with some French and international friends, I was involved in a project regarding monumentalisation, art and power. My ignorance regarding the French elections, happening in the same period, was almost embarrassing, but in the middle of an animated discussion, regarding the way Hollonde and Le Pen (according the polls and survays the two leading pre-elections candidates) were conducting their campaigns, I interfered with saying that the more neoliberal of all the candidates, the more apparently empty in terms of ideology, was Macron and for this reason I thought he will be the winner of the French elections. I did not know how distant was Macron in the polls/surveys before the elections, but was a lot behind Le Pen and Hollonde. I sustained my thoughts by saying that I was coming from the avant-garde laboratory of neoliberalism, so I was somehow “talking to them from the future” (Any occasion is good to show my modesty!).

With my friends, experts of the Balkan region, I had some other exchanges regarding the neoliberalism and its more advanced challenging laboratory: Bosnia and Herzegovina. I said that for me, somewhat connected with Bosnian war for familial reasons, it would be better dealing with Serbians killing Bosnians and Albanians or vice-versa, rather than installation of neoliberal states in Bosnia & Herzegovina, or Balkans in general. Because I see the ancestral ethnic hate of the region (it is good to remember that every hate has its love counterpart), an ethnic hate with which I and Balkan people are “used to”, or at least know “how to deal with”, I see it as a sort of barrier against neoliberalism. With this last, it is different. The neoliberalism transforms and deforms anthropologically all the social and cultural relations (that unite Balkan and its people), domesticating the human and its bios towards self+consumerism as an end in itself.

I do not know if I explained myself or just shocked my interlocutors. However I think there are still few studies regarding the neoliberalism and especially its effects, which I think, when done, will mitigate the shock of my thoughts regarding better living with Serbian, Bosnian, Albanian killers killing each other rather than dealing with neoliberalism as a unique alternative for any State. We’ll see.

Balkan’s mini-Schengen and geopolitics. Few days ago, in Tirana, was held a meeting between the representatives of Albania (Edi Rama), Montenegro (Milo Đukanović), Serbia (Aleksandar Vučić) and Northern Macedonia (Zoran Zaev), regarding the so-called Western Balkans mini-Schengen, a free trade zone, from which Kosova, bordering in the middle of these countries, is self-excluded. The main reasons for the Kasovars self-exclusion are not fully economic, but has to do mainly with the lack of Serbian recognition of Kosova as an independent state and above all with the Aleksandar Vučić genocide denial of Kosova’s war in 1999.

Unexpectedly, regarding Edi(p) Rama’s actions, I saw a lot of stupor in Kosova’s media and social meida. This stupor is turning gradually in various level of pity, refusal, hate, etc., against Rama.

Photo collage like this are everywhere online …

The reason of this reaction is because of the ignorance and ignoring the geopolitics, political representative figures like those we in Balkans have, and the laboratory of neoliberalism.

Let’s try to clarify some things.

Months ago Edi(p) Rama was pro and supporting the exchange of territories between Serbia and Kosova, a territorial exchange ethnically based, on which Kosova’s President Hashim Thaçi and Serbia’s homologue Aleksandar Vučić were talking during several meetings. Only the resistance of Kosovars in Kosova and Serbians in Serbia and part of their political representatives (by the way all claiming the territories as parts of the country they belong) as well as the subsequent intervention of Merkel impeded the factual exchange. The exchange was, not openly, but supported by the US and pushed further, openly, by Mogherini, EU Foreign Affairs higher representative.

The risk was, once more, to make Kosova a laboratory for the future, as in the case of military intervention of 1999, which justified the wars in Iraq, Syria, and so on. In this case, in the future, we could have seen some political representatives of states, “supported” by the geopolitical powers, exchange, sell or donate territories based on ethnicity. And all done by their “initiatives”, so reconfirming the “independence of the states” and the worldwide “democracy”. In other words, open doors to racism and creation of pure ethnic states … there is an urgent need of literacy on what was the ideal form of states according nazi-fascists.

What is most impressive in all this debate is the ignorance circulating in media and public opinion. Nobody sees that some shitty politicians like the Albanians, Serbians, Kosovars ones, think that have the power (really!?!?!?) to exchange territories, to intervene strategically in the geopolitical map, a luxury reserved only to the superpowers like US, Russia, China and no one else. This luxury it is not reserved neither to sates like Germany, France or Italy, which can only, with the permission of the US, have a voice in the tactical development of their interests and influence within the territories under US control.

Considering that, for the moment, the issue of territorial exchange was left behind. The next issue, mini-Schengen, or the mantra “neoliberalism above all”, even above your memories, victims, blood, rapes, came out: the above-mentioned meeting between Albania, Montenegro, Serbia and Northern Macedonia with Kosova self-excluded.

The public debates regarding these meetings are centered around the Albanian politics and politicians, which are not taking (at all or enough) in considerations the Kosova’s interests in this situation, as if the Albania was a sort of mother or father. Actually I am surprised how the people are still willing of paternalism. But soon it will come again, not in the form of a State, motherland or fatherland, but in the form of a still hierarchic, familar, Oedipal system.

Neoliberalism: what is this, beyond boring theorization? To explain neoliberalism in few lines, especially for Kosovars that do not know Edi(p) Rama, is better to make the example of George Soros.

In other words, just as in the case of George Soros saving his life and making money by confiscating goods to Jewish people, during Second World War, the Kosovars and Balkan people should go beyond and erase their terrible memories, without elaborating anything, just making business “as in the market”, because “someone else will do it”. No matter that even more Kosovars, Albanians, and Serbians, will die every day, as slaves of neoliberalism, because of course never misses someone else that will have to do it, someone that will have to make money on memories, victims, blood. We’ll see.

Helsinki’s Boulevardisation Case. (Romeo Kodra)

La prostituée du boulevard de Clichy et l’inspecteur qui la surveille ont tous les deux de mauvais souliers et tous les deux ont mal aux pieds d’avoir arpenté des kilomètres de bitume.

Georges Simenon.

Prelude. Etymologically the “Boulevard/Bulwerk”, a Dutch term, in XIV Century, entered in French language meaning: a “bastion, walls of fortification (the flat walkway over the top of the bastion)”, a word connected with defensive militarization and control of political power; and later “a large city road, promenade”, indicating an urban space for the spectacular circulation of objects (commodities) and subjects (people).

The semantic transition, from a bastion to a promenade, occurred during Le Roi Soleil Louis XIV, when the old bastions of Paris, after the construction of the new ones in a larger perimeter, were erased to make space for a wide tree-lined promenade.

During my research on this topic, I found significant that the first examples of the boulevards as urban dispositive of political power control appeared almost in the same period: in Paris within Haussmann’s renovation in 1853, and Vienna “by the will” of Kaiser Franz Joseph in 1857, transforming the old fortification walls in Ringstrasse, demonstrating in this manner the “will of openness and democratic dialogue”.

In addition, the boulevard is also a clear imperialistic political gesture, in terms of urban space, which delineates the subjectivization of a changing regime of power and governmentality. Following the Lacanian reading, to have a subject there must be “the trace”, walls/fortification in this case, “the erasure of the trace”, transformation of fortification in boulevard, and “marking of the erasure”, monumentalization of the boulevard.

In fact, three points need to be distinguished: the trace, the erasure of the trace and the marking of the erasure. It is at this level that the signifier arises and the subject emerges.

PETTIGREW, David and François RAFFOUL. 1996. Disseminating Lacan. Albany, NY.: State University of New York Press, p.39.

This process can also be considered as a new governmentality (Foucault), changing from the societies of discipline to the societies of control (Deleuze Gilles, Postscript on the Societies of Control, October, vol. 59, Winter 1992, pp. 3-7, The MIT Press). This governmentality and this control become more clear when, in its support, a full state apparatus is revealed, made of financial institutions, laws, construction mega-companies, famous architects/artists.

And last, but not least, to complete this picture, the representational aspects of the political power gesture are almost always represented faithfully by the formal aspects of arts (urban planning, architecture, sculpture/monument), reproducing altogether or at least one of the following aspects:
a) the alignment with the boulevard,
b) the verticality of urban objects (architectures, monuments)
c) hermeticism/closure sense emanated by these objects.

Therefore, it is with Haussmann’s urban interventions in Paris (1853) and transformation of Vienna’s bastions in Ring Strasse (1857) that the boulevard’s double signification, from one side, conceptually, evidenced the “twofold nature of capitalism” and “formation of [its] sovereignty” (Deleuze/Guattari – Anti-Oedipus); and, from the other side, historically, “the change of regime and governmentality”, from despotic absolutism to enlightened despotism. In other words, seems like the Ancien Régime, after the Congress of Vienna, to “tolerate the bourgeoisie” to participate in political power and prevent further revolutionary atrocities and nationalism, by erasing the bastions, tried to demonstrate openness and democratic dialogue with its subjects, and, by constructing spectacular boulevards, to codify and control their consumption and circulation.

Since then, the boulevard marks and mirrors the change of regime and governmentality of political powers, with all its related political power discourse, the bureaucratic procedures, the organized rationality by defining, shaping, guiding and affecting people and their conduct in the city space, which make the boulevard a perfect dispositive to measure the social pressure and control of political power regimes.

Helsinki’s boulevardisation. In 2015 Helsinki’s Urban Plan was drafted by the Urban Environment Division of the Municipality. The first out of ten themes of the draft regarded “densification”, which was justified under the pretext of “increasing of the population” caused by the arrivals of “migrants”. The main urban tools used for the densification were “city boulevards”. Simultaneously the Urban Environment Division released another document, “City Boulevards in Helsinki”, where appeared an unusual term, namely “boulevardisation”.

In 2017 the plan was approved.

However, two problems can be noticed. Firstly, there is no information and deep analyses on Finnish tradition of “densification/boulevardisation” and the perception of the Finns regarding “densification/boulevardization”. Secondly, the participation of the migrants in public hearings and other platforms for public participation, being them the main reason that justified the densification and “boulevardisation”, until now, it is unknown.

So, what is Helsinki’s “boulevardisation”? In what type of “boulevard” is based? Following the etymology, to have a “boulevard” there must be an erasure. What is being erased though? At the beginning, after the Congress of Vienna, the boulevards were a sort of consequence of the decision of the Ancien Régime to tolerate the lower bourgeois class to participate in political power and avoid in this manner the nationalism. In this regard, is there any connection between this approach and the decision of Helsinki’s Municipality to densify and boulevardize because of the migrants? Moreover, to resist against the boulevardistation is somehow connected with nationalism and the resistance against the migration? Regarding the governmentality, what are the mechanisms of management and administration (work processes, procedures, rules, laws), as well as the ways of classifying individuals or groups (by income, nationality, and professional categories), which allow power institutions – in this case Helsinki Municipality/Urban Environment Division and Migratin Office – for their identification, classification, ordering, and control? And last, but not least, what are the similarities and differences in terms of representational aspects of art displayed in urban and public space of boulevard?

Something is rotten in the state of Denmark. I am living in Finland, Espoo near Helsinki, from May of this year. I have never seen a city with more open construction sites in the same time as Helsinki. And I am coming from Tirana … In Tirana there is a lot of mafia and money laundry supported by the government. I do not know very well the Helsinki’s context, but there are a lot of signs that things are not much better. Yet, what most impresses me is the passivity of “Finns” towards this urban development booming. And, without knowing why, I feel like “something is rotten in the state of … Finland”.

There is a web pop-up that reminds me this feeling … and Pacific (1967) of David Alexander Colville.